Before she was famous. Jane Austen in the newspapers, 1813-1833

 

Jane makes one of her first appearances in the newspapers in on 6th September 1813. In an event only publicised in the local newspaper   the Hampshire Chronicle   Jane donated one of the lower amounts- half a guinea (10 shilling and sixpence, a week’s average wage for a urban worker ) to the newly established Basingstoke and Alton branch of the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge- an organisation which did what it said on the tin. It produced cheap Bibles and tried to encourage moral reformation. To subscribe to it   meant a desire to be respectable. To have your money accepted and publicised in the newspaper was an acknowledgement of your social position.

Jane’s position in   local society can be inferred from the details in the newspaper. All the committee members were male; Jane, like the other women on the list, were not committee members but additional subscribers, who made a donation rather than purchasing a yearly membership. It is highly unlikely that   Jane attended the meeting at the Bolton Arms Inn- and this was an age when many respectable women did attend meetings of charities. Her letters to Cassandra  around that time suggest that she may not have even been in the county

There are two references; a Miss Austen and a Miss Jane Austin. This may or may not be the same person

Jane had to wait until death to become newsworthy again. Once again, it was a   local event. This notice appeared on the last page of the Hampshire Chronicle as news from July 19th 1817, the day after her death

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Perhaps interestingly, this was not a paid for obituary but a piece of local news; her late father was previously a local cleric and it is unlikely that Jane would have received a mention if she had been a daughter of a local shoe maker.

On July 30th, a more or less identical notice appeared in the Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser, with the omission of her home address.

The newspapers are quiet until 1832; on Christmas Day 1832 the national newspaper the Morning Post made a reference to Jane. This was an advertisement- with the heading “Miss Jane Austen’s novels” ( in the plural, so there must have been some understanding that there was more than one.) Richard  Bentley, the publisher was presenting Sense and Sensibility as part of a series called The Standard Novels and Romances; there were two more identical advertisements, both in London papers, in the week before publication.

The Spectator magazine must have got hold of an early copy, as it has reviewed it by December 31st. The Morning Post reported on its findings. The paper noted their length of time since her death  “  the public took time to make up its mind”. It also hints that the general reader was engaged before the critics

The response to Sense and Sensibility meant that 1833 was Jane’s best year in the papers. By January the Hampshire Chronicle was rediscovering one of their own; “the novel affords diversified scenery of real life, and abounds in moral sentiment, conveyed in the most amusing incidents”.

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By March the Morning Post had reached its own, mostly favourable opinion. It took a few pages of reading, but the paper was impressed by her “natural fluency and unsophisticated earnestness”   Her novels rang true- they had “vraisemblance” and knowledge of human character. The was, the reviewer suggested, the ”new novelist of domestic truth”.

In April 1833, Volume 25 of Standard Novels and Romances included Emma. In July, Volume 27 included Mansfield Park and Bentley had sold over 100,000 copies of his series and Austen was clearly his star. The Scotsman liked Mansfield Park – “an admirable domestic tale…at which Miss Austen was has been long acknowledge as unrivalled”-clearly her books were being read in the 1820s by the public before the reviewers in the newspapers.

By August, Pride and Prejudice was the published in Volume 30. In October, all six novels were published in a cheap edition by Bentley, placing Jane on a par with some very well know Regency writers and poets….

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My book on the reality of Jane Austen’s  Britain is out on November 30

 

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“The Dark Days of Georgian  Britain” Pen and Sword

https://www.amazon.co.uk/Dark-Days-Georgian-Britain-Rethinking/dp/1526702541

 

 

 

 

                                     Child Dropping in the Regency

 

Child Dropping

Child dropping was one way that unmarried women in the Regency   dealt with the consequences of an unplanned   or socially unacceptable pregnancy. A child would be abandoned; it would either perish outside, or much more likely, be found and mostly looked after in the workhouse. Then the authorities would react; sometimes harshly, but sometimes with a degree of compassion that the Regency is not particularly known for

By our period 1810-1820, attitudes were softening a little to child dropping, as it was increasingly seen as a desperate act. It is clear that the children were, in the vast majority of cases, meant to be found before they died. In September 1811 some labourers working in a brick field at first light found a three month old girl carefully placed in a place where the workers would be bound to find her. A genteel, well dressed woman had been 15 minutes earlier in the fields and the child was thought to be hers. The child was then sent to the St Pancras workhouse to be cared for.

 In February 1813, a nine month old child was left in the East India Docks, Blackwall and put next to a large consignment of timber on the quayside. This may seem to be a highly irresponsible place to leave a child; but the truth of the matter is that, just like the Hampstead brick field, it was a place of work were there was a time when it would be deserted, but another time when it was equally certain that it would fill up with people who would find the child. The baby was well “clothed and in a thriving state”; it had not been mistreated until the moment of its abandonment and it was not left there to die. These babies were made to be found; for those who wanted their children dead, the River Thames was a few yards away. Newspaper reports would make indirect judgement on the mother through the clues it had.

 Timing and location were crucial for success. These two examples were babies dropped in the early morning outside a busy work place. The other possibility is to place them outside a busy doorway which would be opened regularly. On a busy Saturday night in New Cut, Canterbury  in July 1813 unknown women left her four month old child ( “respectable clothed” )on the doorstep of a large house and she was found almost immediately by a maidservant. The gentlemen who owned the house took the child in, looked after it and made plans for its future at his own expense. It is very likely that this was exactly what the poor mother would have wished for, and may well have planned it.

In November 1813, another female infant, a new born, was found, once again on a Saturday evening and once again at the front of a gentlemen’s house in Bath. She was well clothed, wrapped in something that looked like her mother’s petticoat. She was placed in a hat box with a hole pierced in the front to allow the child to breathe. The box was not new; there had been a name written on the outside that had been deliberately erased. The child, like others, ended up in the local workhouse and the   Poor Law officers offered 10 guineas for information about the identity of the mother, or the people who planted the baby- their determination of “make a signal   example of all such offenders”. However, they also suggested that if the women came forward and had an adequate appalling story to tell, then “they may depend on being treated with every degree of tenderness and delicacy”. The Overseers of the poor finished their newspaper advertisement with news for the mother

NB The Child is alive in the Walcot Poor-House, and is likely to do well

It was a message to the parent. No serious crime had been committed yet. There was a way out.

When did the women become “unnatural mothers”?  They would normally have to do more than leave their child on the door step. They would have to be flagrant or ungrateful. In another example from Canterbury in October 1813, a nine month old boy was left at the door of  a Mr Hutchinson at the Cattle Market. So far, so good; but it was wrapped in an “old cloak “-that was a judgement- and a reward was put out for the identification of the mother. Any such reward would be cost effective, as otherwise the child would be a burden on the parish. The next day a women called Fitzgerald (“Wife of a sailor”, whose husband may have sailed away somewhere during conception) She came back to claim the child and seemed to be given some money to go away (she would have no right to claim money from the parish, but the child may have been entitled). Instead she took the money, got drunk and broke a window and the child ended up back in the workhouse, this time for good.

It may have been a coincidence, but the use of the expression “unnatural mother” or “inhuman wretch” seems to have been more prevalent in the provincial papers; London papers seem to have been more pragmatic. In November 1816, one child   was left outside the Foundling Hospital, a charitable institution which   would have been the ideal placement for such a child. He was covered in green baize, with a sign saying “ live lumber “ The “fine boy” was wearing a fine great coat with silk cuffs on his shirt. Somebody had written a poem to the officials of the Foundling Hospital perhaps in order to charm the boy’s way through the Hospitals admission system

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It didn’t work. The child was dispatched to the St Pancras workhouse. A reward was offered for the mother; whose poetry and  ability to buy nice clothes meant that she was spared the epithet “ unnatural”

 

My Book ( Pen and Sword November 2017)

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https://www.amazon.co.uk/Dark-Days-Georgian-Britain-Rethinking/dp/1526702541/ref=sr_1_3?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1498384239&sr=1-3&keywords=James+Hobson
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Women’s rights and rape; a breakthrough in 1811 and a lesson for 2016?

Two hundred years ago, rape was a capital crime and dealt with very severely. However, convictions were rare because of the nature of the questions that the women could be asked and the likelihood, as in other cases, that witnesses would be paid to defame those giving evidence.
There was a case in 1811. William Hodgson was found guilty of the “ravishment” of nineteen year old Harriet Halliday. Her evidence was strong; witnesses had seen her dragged into a stable by Hodgson; a local surgeon had heard her screams, rescued her afterwards and financed the prosecution against Hodgson. Halliday was a servant, and would not have the money to prosecute Hodgson herself; another weakness of  the regency justice system.

After Harriet had given her evidence in support of the prosecution she was cross examined by the prisoner’s counsel. In the face of such strong evidence, Hodgson’s defence became aggressive. They called Halliday’s former employer and were about to ask why she had discharged the servant after a mere two weeks work, they were stopped by Baron Wood. The judge ruled this and told it was not relevant to the case. Then the defence asked her whether she had had any “connection” with any boy in the past. Judge Baron Wood then made a novel and important ruling;

The learned judge allowed the objection on the ground that witness was not bound to answer these questions as they to criminate and disgrace herself and said that he there was not any exception to the rule in the case  of  rape

The prisoner’s counsel called witnesses and among others a witness to prove that the girl had been caught in bed a year before this charge with a young man
This second piece of evidence was ruled inadmissible and Harriet’s evidence stood. The new rule (called Hodgson) was extended in 1817 to attempted rape and although it did not ban general questions about the women’s lifestyle, it did rule inadmissible specific ones, such as were asked in this case.

The court was utterly aghast at these comments. One lawyer commented that his main method of attack in these cases had been taken away from him. It turned out to be a turning point in women’s legal rights in cases of sexual assault.

Until now?

The Regency Boarding School, 1816

Private boarding schools for both boys and girls would advertise in the local newspapers every January. Many would merely thank the public for their support in florid and obsequious terms and announce the day of re-opening. For the majority of the schools in 1816, the first day back was Monday 22 January.
On 13 January 1816, the Oxford Journal had advertisements for 20 private boarding schools. Ten of these were in Oxford, but the others were in Abingdon, Chipping Norton, Bicester, Witney, and Cirencester and as far away as Worcester. Regency parents could live without their children near. The Long Melford Girls School, Suffolk, on sale in 1816, boasted that it was a mere 59 miles from London an on some very convenient stagecoach routes.
Some schools advertised their services in the January announcements. The Girls’ Boarding schools were owned either by a single woman or a pair of Sisters. For a rather pricey 35 guineas the Prospect House Boarding School, the Misses Temple offered English, French, Writing, Arithmetic, Geography and History. As with most Boarding Schools, there was an extra charge for accomplishments- Music, drawing, dancing and French. The Barton Lodge Boarding School offered “plain and fancy needlework” alongside other subjects as part of the mainstream curriculum.
Who attended these schools? Well. It was certainly not the top section of society, who used larger public schools and governesses, but it was people who were ambitious for their children. It is easier to see this in the advertisements for the boy’s boarding schools. Mr Hills School in Hereford, like many schools, tried to straddle two worlds. It offered an education suitable for entrance to University, or the “life of a gentlemen or men of business” Mr Hill offered English, composition and handwriting as the core curriculum, with Latin and Greek ( taught by the clergy). Continental Languages, drawing and dancing were also offered. Accounts were offered for those who felt they were not hoping to become gentlemen.
There seems to have been a division between those schools who offered Commercial Studies as part of the core and those who offered it as an afterthought. Some announced this is their names “ The Mathematical and Commercial School” in Twyford was one. The Rev J Milner’s Academy was another, and it also had a rather “menu like” fees structure;

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Many schools offered the parents the added convenience of keeping the children throughout the year, in this case 4 guineas. It was also clear that most of the money was being spent on boarding; some schools make a point of announcing that they did not take day students; but those who did, often at the lower end of the social scale, were charging 4 guineas for mere attendance lessons but 25 guineas for boarders
Winton School Westmoreland offered a slightly more up market curriculum -“ for the university, professions and all types of business”- but did not quite reach the heights of gentlemen. The brothers Adamthwaite, both established Anglican clergymen provided the core curriculum and employed qualified teachers for other areas. The fee was 22 guineas or 40 guineas for “parlour boarders”- those who would be treated more like members of the family with use of the parlour. One of the brothers was spending January in attendance at the Chapter Coffee House in London-Wackford Squeers style- to encourage people to send their children to the other side of the country. According to the advertisement “there were no holidays” and it was a long time by coach from London to the Lake District.
The excerpt from the website “KIRKBY STEPHEN – IN THE NEWS” suggests what this particular school was like-(below)

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[From “The Lake District and Cumbria” by Peter Long …..”In the centre of the village is the manor house built in 1726, and Winton’s only three-storey building. It was formerly a boys’ school where, apparently, the boys were treated like prisoners and not allowed to return home until the end of their education in case they told of their life at the school”. Speaking 40 years later, Charles Dickens described these places as  ” cheap distant schools, where neglected children pine from year to year”

Okey Nash’s school in Stony Stratford was one of the most expensive advertising in January. 40 guineas a year would secure you a core curriculum starting with the classics and academic subjects. Entrance was an extra 2 guineas and washing 2 guineas per year. Extra subjects were more academic ones- not the accomplishments done by women- and once again accounts were an add- on, presumably for the lower stratum of the cohort who were headed for Trade. Okey’s was different to Winton’s; it offered “liberal instruction” with domestic comfort- “the Young Gentlemen sleep in single beds”
After a viewing  few advertisements patterns begin to emerge. The school is always somewhere salubrious. It is staffed by Clergymen or spinsters. Only girls draw and do needlework. Boys sometimes dance; girls always do. French teachers are from France; both sexes do continental languages, but probably in a different way and for different purposes. Boys can do accounting if they really have to. Fees are the same for boys and girls; nothing worth advertising could be had for less than 20 guineas a year. French was a key part of the curriculum quite down the social scale, and it was not merely for adornment- it was a useful skill, especially for a post in a government apparently at war with Napoleon for ever.

There was very little Science taught, and none of course, to girls. However, one school is Nottingham did offer some leisure time science, known as “Natural Philosophy”.

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The content of these lessons, and the efficacy of the schools is another matter and not so easy to find evidence for. Sir John Soane, who was a social cut above the people sending their children to these types of schools, made this note in his accounts in January 1798
“Paid to Mr Wicks for not teaching the two boys for ½ year £39 17shilling “